Składanowski was present from the 15th until the signing of the agreements on the 31st during the strikes, which allowed the citizens to bring about democratic changes within the communist political structure and allowed the workers to officially form trade unions independent of the control of the Communist Party and tear apart a legal right to strike from them. Adam Warżawa/PAP Unthinkable A few weeks earlier, the Gdańsk agreement followed two months of social unrest in the Central European country, triggered by a rise in meat prices in July. The striking dockers are accompanied by other union representatives to draft a demand, the most important of which was legal union representation. Stefan Kraszewski/PAP [1] J. Jedlicki, Forma i treść umowy społecznej, Warszawa 1980 [samizdat], p. 14. [2] Programmatic resolution of the delegates for the first national convention of the NSZZ “Solidarność”, first part. [3] Constitution of the Polish People`s Republic, adopted by the Sejm on 22 July 1952. Single text of 16 February 1976.

[4] Constitution, Article 3. [5] Protocol on an agreement concluded by the Government Commission and the Strike Committee between the factories on 31 August 1980 at the Gdańsk shipyard, point 1, paragraph 2. [6] T. Kowalik, “An attempt at compromise. Within the Gdansk Committee of Experts on Foot-and-Mouth Disease”, Zeszyty Literackie No. 2 (1983), p. 115. [7] We agree together on the level of discussion.

Interview with activists of the NSZZ Inter-Company Founding Committee “Solidarność” in Gdansk, Polityka No. 44 (1 November 1980), p. 6. [8] “Polska, September 1980”, PPN No. 47 (2 October 1980), no pagination. [9] A. Michnik, “Czas nadziei, August-September 1980”, in A. Michnik, Szanse polskiej demokracji, Warsaw 2009, p. 78.

[10] A. Michnik, “Nadzieja i threat, October-November 1980,” in Szanse polskiej demokracji, p. 8485. [11] K. Dziewanowski, in Czabański Krzysztof (ed.), Niepokoje i nadzieje, Warsaw 1981, p. 24. [12] J. Staniszkis, Ewolucje form robotniczego protestu …, Wrocław 1981 [samizdat]. On the occasion of the 25th anniversary of the August accords, Stanisław Ciosek [a former communist official] said that August 31 [the date of signing the agreements] should be a symbol of national harmony, a symbol of unity that transcends historical divisions. Ciosek would be right – without martial law. This event makes the August accords a missed opportunity to advance the development of the system towards democracy – not a symbol of true national harmony. The political model proposed by Solidarność brought with it such an opportunity.

This proposal was adopted temporarily in August 1980, only to be regularly torpedoed by the authorities practically from the beginning of September. (Events such as the “registration dispute” [triggered by the court-imposed changes to the Solidarity Law when the union was officially registered in October 1980] or the “Bydgoszcz Crisis” [solidarity activists were attacked at a meeting of the local National Council] were just the main manifestations of this strategy.) Therefore, “August 31” cannot be separated from “December 13.” A festival of national harmony ended with floats in the streets and the death of Wujek miners. The innovative conception of shared sovereignty proposed by Solidarność has become a failed attempt to avoid such developments. .