Thus, the August agreements were the second stage of the statutes. The first phase was that the political community was created as a result of people understanding each other. During this second phase, representatives of this community (the Representative Committee on Foot-and-Mouth Disease) established the rules for peaceful cooperation with representatives of the contemporary State. The second stage of the social contract was the agreement between totalitarian authorities and society. Clandestine publishing began in Poland in 1976, and the network of independent publishers, printers and distributors was well established before August 1980. Not surprisingly, during the riots of the summer of 1980, illegal publications were also published in the striking factories. The Strajkowy Biuletyn Informacyjny Solidarność (Solidarity Strike Newsletter) was published at the Gdańsk Shipyard on 23 August. The bulletin became the official journal of striking shipyard workers, produced openly and uncensored. It contained reports on the current status of strikes and the status of negotiations with the authorities.

It also contained texts of official documents and statements, strike poems, interviews and reports. But above all, it stimulated the minds of the strikers. The daily circulation reaches about 40,000 copies. A spontaneous general strike, which included almost the entire working population of the country in solidarity with the strikers at the Gdansk shipyard, inspired the editors to develop the idea of “solidarity” for the newsletter`s title. The latest issue, No. 13, was published on 31 August and contained the text of the agreement and the statute of the newly formed Independent Autonomous Union Solidarity. The Gdańsk agreement is very important for Polish politics because the strikes have exposed corruption and negligence within the state leadership. By recognizing individual rights, such as freedom of expression, the government is opening up to the creation of civil societies. The Gdańsk agreement is very important for Polish politics because the strikes have exposed corruption and negligence within the state leadership. By recognizing individual rights, such as freedom of expression, the government is opening up to the creation of civil societies. This allows citizens to gather where everyone, regardless of the party`s beliefs, can agree on human rights. The problems caused by the workers` movements and the ensuing Gdańsk Agreement led to the dismissal of Edward Gierek and the appointment of Stanisław Kania in September 1980.

Adam Michnik (to give just one example) had a very different view of the issue: “A hybrid system, a cross between the totalitarian organization of the state and democratic social institutions, would be possible. It is a plaster solution by nature, but such solutions sometimes turn out to be the longest service life. [9] A few months later, Michnik gave more specific reasons why he believed it would be a permanent solution. What I am proposing here is a compromise with the authorities. With authorities that I do not like at all, whose rules I do not approve, but who are for us what is a parenthesis for the sick: oppressive, but indispensable. […] Those in power may be unpopular, but they should be seen as negotiating partners. [10] For Michnik, the social contract was therefore not a temporary agreement based on trust, but a permanent agreement. Faced with the prospect of imminent and far-reaching reform, it was the Communists who had to guarantee a professional [governmental] administration that would protect the country from anarchy. In Michnik`s vision, communists became an important part of change; a component whose absence would render Solidarność incapable of governing. They became like a plaster cast for the sick state.

Solidarity was born on August 31, 1980 at the Gdańsk shipyard, when the communist government of Poland signed the agreement that made its existence possible. . At the end of August, a coalition government led by Solidarność was formed, and in December Tadeusz Mazowiecki was elected Prime Minister. [1] J. Jedlicki, Forma i treść umowy społecznej, Warszawa 1980 [samizdat], p. 14. [2] Programmatic decision of the delegates to the first NSZZ National Convention “Solidarność”, part one. [3] Foundation of the Polish People`s Republic, founded on the 22nd. It was adopted by the Diet in 1952. Single text of 16 February 1976.

[4] Constitution, Article 3. [5] Protocol on an agreement between the Government Commission and the Strike Committee between the factories on 31 August 1980 at the Gdańsk shipyard, point 1, paragraph 2. [6] T. Kowalik, “An attempt at compromise. On the Committee of Experts of the MKS in Gdansk”, Zeszyty Literackie No. 2 (1983), p. 115. [7] Together we organize the plan of the conversation. Interview with activists of the NSZZ Business Start-up Committee “Solidarność” in Gdansk, Polityka No. 44 (1 November 1980), p. 6. [8] “Polska, September 1980”, PPN No.

47 (2 October 1980), no pagination. [9] A. Michnik, “Czas nadziei, Sierpnia-Września 1980”, in A. Michnik, Szanse polskiej demokracji, Warsaw 2009, p. 78. [10] A. Michnik, “Nadzieja i threat, October-November 1980,” in Szanse polskiej demokracji, p. 8485.

[11] K. Dziewanowski, in Czabański Krzysztof (ed.), Niepokoje i nadziei, Warsaw 1981, p. 24. [12] J. Staniszkis, Ewolucje formy robotniczego protestu …, Breslau 1981 [samizdat]. On the occasion of the second anniversary of the agreement, on 31 August 1982, a massive wave of anti-government demonstrations took place throughout Poland. The regime responded with the police force; According to Solidarność, at least seven people were killed throughout Poland. The signing of the agreement took place “in the large conference room of the shipyard, decorated with a crucifix and bust of Lenin, under the rattle of lightning and the roar of television cameras of several countries,” AFP reported. Walesa signed the document with a pen in the image of the pope.

The strikes in Gdansk ended on September 1, and on September 3, the two sides signed an agreement under which the Communists promised not to persecute the strikers. The promise was broken and hundreds of people were released in the fall of 1988. Unthinkable a few weeks earlier, the Gdansk agreement followed two months of social unrest in the Central European country, triggered by a rise in meat prices in July. The “theoretical novelty” of the above solution is easily undermined by the fact that many commentators have tried to find analogies between history and the current situation. The comparison of the current circumstances with the political system of the former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was particularly popular in the trade union press. Particular emphasis was placed on the similarity of the written obligations that a candidate for the Polish throne of the time had to fulfill. In this sense, Kazimierz Dziewanowski wrote that “agreements of this kind have been concluded on many occasions throughout history. They were concluded in feudal times: the result was the English Magna Carta and some time later the principle of “habeas corpus”, which protected citizens from arbitrary arrests. In Poland, the same principle was known as neminem captivabimus and was dated 1425-1433. Pacta conventa, or colonies that established the conditions of rule of each monarch, had been another such agreement. In Hungary and Bohemia, pacta conventa were already concluded in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries: in Poland, they were part of political practice from the sixteenth century. Similar agreements have been made in other countries, especially where power should belong to a foreign dynasty.

[11] The present was no different from history in this regard: the most important decisions of the state had to be taken by mutual agreement between the “House of Parliament” (i.e. Solidarność) and the “King” (communist authorities). On August 31, an AFP bulletin spoke of “an agreement between the authorities and the Gdansk strike committee, as Walesa announced.” On the occasion of the 25th anniversary of the August accords, Stanisław Ciosek [a former communist official] said that August 31 [the date of signing the agreements] should be a symbol of national harmony, a symbol of unity that transcends historical divisions. Ciosek would have been right – without martial law. This event makes the August accords a missed opportunity to accelerate the development of the system towards democracy – not a symbol of true national harmony. The political model proposed by Solidarność brought with it such an opportunity. This proposal was adopted temporarily in August 1980, only to be regularly torpedoed by the authorities practically from the beginning of September. (Events such as the “registration dispute” [triggered by the changes imposed by the court on the status of Solidarność when the union was officially registered in October 1980] or the “Bydgoszcz crisis” [solidarity activists were attacked at a meeting of the local national council] were only the main manifestations of this strategy.) For this reason, “August 31” cannot be separated from “December 13.” A festival of national harmony ended with floats in the streets and the death of Wujek miners. .